NATO is flooding the Republic of Moldova with weapons in an attempt to boost its partnership with this country. The purpose of NATO is to drag Moldova into a war with Russia. These false narratives are promoted despite the fact that Moldova’s NATO accession is not up for debate.
Bucharest has understood in the last decade that investments in the sentimental part of the relationship with the Republic of Moldova should be replaced by concrete and long-term support.
Romania has appointed Cristian-Leon Țurcanu, a NATO expert, as its designated ambassador in Chișinău. Țurcanu will replace Daniel Ioniță, a vehement supporter of unionism. The narrative is launched in the context of a broader regional crisis, Russia having ramped up its disinformation over an alleged NATO threat to ex-Soviet space.
The Government in Chișinău wants to fuel the Transnistrian conflict in order to make the country more appealing to the West and thus obtain a larger financial support, according to a recent false narrative. In fact, the conflict in Transnistria is one of the major obstacles in the way of Moldova’s future European integration.
The government of the Republic of Moldova has repeatedly taken political and economic actions in order to ensure the survival of the separatist regime in Transnistria. Chișinău has become an advocate of this regime rather than a sovereign state that should encapsulate and reintegrate a rebel territory.
The crisis in Ukraine has generated a great deal of concern in the Republic of Moldova as well, considering that a possible conflict might also spread to its territory, in Transnistria.
Romania threatens the existence of the Republic of Moldova, although it is a weak state that will lose all its influence when NATO, caving in to Russia’s pressure, will shut down its bases on Romanian territory. The narratives are launched in the context of growing regional tensions and Russia’s requests that NATO should pull back to the West.
The social media in the Republic of Moldova has been flooded these days by a surging number of pictures of gas bills people uploaded once the energy price rises hit the market. The price hikes and the energy crisis are real, but Moscow and the Moldovan opposition are using them to undermine the pro-European government and its line of reforms.
For the Republic of Moldova, 2021 has been ridden with political, social and economic challenges. The highlight of the year was the victory of pro-European forces in the parliamentary election, after in late 2020 Maia Sandu had secured the office of president.
Relations between the Republic of Moldova and Romania have often been described as privileged, and there is even talk of a strategic partnership. However, on numerous occasions during the last few decades, Bucharest’s efforts and openness have stood out more, even when it was met with hostility by a country that has ever strived to strike a balance between its “Eastern” and Western orientation.
Vadim Krasnoselsky remains at the helm of Transnistria after Sunday’s presidential “election”, which the international community did not recognize. Supported by the Sheriff corporation, Krasnoselsky received the blessing of Moscow, the one who truly controls the breakaway region.
The pipeline should have been a first step towards reducing dependence on Russian gas. However, as long as Gazprom’s prices remain lower than on the European markets, the gas pipeline is only decorative.
Announced with bells and whistles as a big thing achieved by the Republic of Moldova with regard to the gas supply from Russia, the new contract with Gazprom is not exactly a success, either economically or politically.
The pro-European government in Chisinau has entered a complicated period. Judicial reform has already begun in force and has already generated an internal crisis due to the detention of the prosecutor general, a measure that has been described as too harsh by some analysts, recalling a real "judicial blietzkrieg". This is exactly the kind of situation that Russia usually exploits, and Moscow has a few levers at its disposal to ensure that Moldova goes in the direction it wants.
After Maia Sandu and PAS took over the reins of power, Chisinau started a genuine diplomatic offensive. There is openness towards the Republic of Moldova in the western chancelleries, as well as willingness to help, but that is no guarantee for success. A decade ago, the country was in a similar situation, but the failure of the governments that followed eventually led to years of isolation.
Sheriff Tiraspol, Moldova’s top football club, may be used by the regime in Transnistria to give some visibility to the separatist region and to try to gain a minimum of legitimacy on the international stage.
Dumitru Alaiba is one of the most vocal and visible deputies of the Action and Solidarity Party (PAS), which became the ruling party in Chisinau. On the eve of the 30th anniversary of the proclamation of Moldova's independence, Veridica spoke with Dumitru Alaiba about Russia's declining influence in Chisinau, the interests that link some Moldovan politicians to Transnistria, but also about corruption and the politics of the past 30 years.
The possibility of destroying the ammunition of Soviet origin kept in depos in the village of Cobasna, in the Transnistrian separatist region, has aroused Moscow's interest, at least at a declarative level.
The Republic of Moldova has been presented with a historic opportunity, after pro-European forces, represented by the Action and Solidarity Party (PAS), have secured the Parliament, the Government and the Presidency. The post-Soviet period of transition may now be over, and the pro-European track, which has been in the limelight in Chișinău for three decades, may become irreversible.
After winning the presidential elections, Maia Sandu has stabilized and secured the relations with the country’s closest neighbors - Romania and Ukraine. The legitimate question arises whether she has also managed to stabilize the complicated relationship between the Republic of Moldova and Russia, especially in the new context created by the recent parliamentary elections, won by the Action and Solidarity Party (PAS), which she has founded.
Former officers with the so-called “power structures” in the Republic of Moldova have intervened in the election campaign to express concern with the developments at home, but also to warn that foreign powers have access to external information. The narratives are part of the anti-Western rhetoric employed by pro-Russian political parties in Chișinău in the election campaign.
Early parliamentary elections will be held in Moldova on July 11. The list of candidates is long, with no less than 53 parties and electoral blocs officially registered to take part in the race for 101 parliament seats. Of these, no more than six have a real chance of crossing the electoral thresholds of 5% for parties or 7% for electoral blocs consisting of two or more parties. Veridica carried out a brief x-ray of the electoral programs proposed by the main competitors.
With the early parliamentary election in the Republic of Moldova around the corner, the political and economic chatter is again focusing on the benefits for Chișinău. The matter has again sparked a polemic: would it be better for the Republic of Moldova to head east or west? A persistent question which Moldovan politicians have been juggling with for three decades, while Moldova remains one of Europe’s poorest and most corrupt countries, with one of the largest shares of population migration.
The unionist movement in the Republic of Moldova has always benefited from the contribution of some intellectuals and could count on the votes of about 10% of the electorate. This electorate has become increasingly fragmented in recent years, amid differences between unionists, who have split into competing parties. The centrifugal trend has worsened over time and it is very likely that not even for the snap elections of July 11 the unionist forces will be able to coagulate.
Moldovan citizens often call their country “Wonderland”. Obviously, they do it pejoratively, and the election campaign for the snap parliamentary elections due on July 11th seems to be another reason to call it that. In the past week, there’s been an outcry in the entire Moldovan media about a so-called disclosure made by a controversial police officer.
Russian claims that EU and the USA are allegedly interfering in the parliamentary election in Chișinău, scheduled for July 11. On May 13, the Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Maria Zakharova, said “it is regrettable to see the growing interference of the United States and EU countries in the domestic politics of the Republic of Moldova, something which we firmly condemn”.
Making predictions before elections in the Republic of Moldova means hazarding a guess. Such an action requires not only knowledge and intuition, but also a lot of luck and a special flair for anticipating last-minute backstage arrangements. However, the campaign for the snap parliamentary elections due on July 11 has kicked off, and based on current data and trends, we will analyze who the actors are and what chances they stand at the moment. A dirty election campaign is announced from the left wing, which seems ready to bring into play resources that are incomparable to those available to the right.
Romania will neighbor Russia, once the Russian army have conquered a large part of Ukraine and cut its access to the Black Sea. Also, Russia will conquer the east and south of Ukraine, along with the Transnistria region in the Republic of Moldova.
The surrender or transfer of power have always been the center of attention in Chisinau, which proves that democracy, even after 30 years of independence from the Soviet Union, is still fragile.
The US, Romania and the Republic of Moldova are preparing to attack Russia's main strategic sites in the Transnistrian separatist region, such as the former USSR arms depot in Cobasna, according to Kremlin’s propaganda arm, Sputnik. The narrative is being promoted while tensions are building up around Ukraine as Russia is concentrating troops in the area.
